CAN
CONSERVATISM WEED OUT ITS IMPOSTORS?*
by
W.
B. Allen
Pomona
Valley Republican Assembly
© W. B. Allen 1986
Winston
Churchill’s switching political parties from Conservative to Liberal to
Conservative in the early years of this century singed many an eyebrow.
Churchill defended himself by pointing to the sad state of affairs to which the Conservative Party, first of
all, had fallen. In effect, he held that the Party had left him; it had
sacrificed the only principles that could make it truly a party of patriotism.
We
witness such an era evolving in the United States today. The Conservative
revolution has been stopped dead in the water, victim to a politics of
expedience and self seeking that was brightly illuminated in the California
Republican campaign for the U. S. Senate nomination. That, however, was only
the fever. The disease is far wider.
Evidence
Consider
the mounting evidence: something calling itself “mainstream Republicanism” and
organizing around Iowa’s Mr. Leach is making a resurgence and being warmly
greeted by politicians who have made whole careers out of calling themselves
“Reagan Republicans;” the present Administration accomplishes less with each
passing day to vindicate our expectation of a genuine redress in American
politics, a return to constitutional rule not as a mere talking point but as an
efficacious ground for the defense of liberty; not only does the national debt
roll merrily higher, it is not even a matter of debate within officialdom how
it shall be retired; a “stalwart conservative” candidate for the U. S. Senate
alarms citizens that they will lose their home mortgages if the progressive
income tax is given up; names like Reynolds, Manion, Gardner Zuckerman, and
others fall like droplets on the guillotine of the Civil Rights Lobby with
scarcely more than a whimper from an Administration which nominates them; the
liberal sacrifice of freedom in South Africa to racial manipulation in the
United States not only fails to draw forth official rebuttals but gains a giant
huzzah (“I’m losing patience with South Africa”) from the conservative Governor
of our largest state; and meanwhile affirmative action wreaks havoc on a
heritage of equality and liberty with nothing more than tepid rear‑guard
actions from the Administration and fairly active complicity from the
“Republican controlled” Senate. We could go on much further. We haven’t
mentioned national defense. Or Nicaragua. Or abortion. Or education. The point
is: these failures are not the failures of sincere efforts falling short. They
are failures to make sincere efforts!
An Organizing Test
Artists
painters and interior designers alike speak of something they call the ground
tone. It has the same effect in any context. In every composition there is one
color that serves to organize and lend coherence to the entire plethora of
tints which form the whole composition. That is the ground tone. Its strength
is that it survives shadows and contradictions.
There
is also a ground tone in social and political life—a general tenor or opinion
that serves as the organizing test or principle for every other opinion that
may be ventured. Had there truly been a conservative revolution in America,
that social ground tone would be manifest in our politics and our policy
debates. What can it mean, therefore, when a general consensus even among
conservatives holds that a conservative cannot defeat Democrat Alan Cranston in
an election? Or that a liberal Republican is called for? (I call Mr. Zschau a
liberal, not a moderate, because I do not accept the attempt to reduce this
distinction to whether one will or will not vote for a tax hike; what
identifies a liberal or a conservative are programmatic dispositions, and I
believe Mr. Zschau is rather disposed to advance liberal programs.)
Why
do I point to this truth at this time? One reason: our pretending otherwise
blinds us to the danger our country faces. We have invested much hope and
effort in the conservative revolution, thinking that the countless
“conservatives” who have been vaulted into public office or prominence would
take up the cause with a spirit of dedication. We thought their dedication
would bring them unrelentingly to confront the prevailing welfare state ground
tone to the point that it would cede place to a view more consonant with our
heritage. To be sure, conservatism would still have to confront contradictions
and sometimes exist in shadows, but steadily pursued it could survive that.
What we got instead were some genuine conservatives, to be sure, but apparently
far many more spurious conservatives. The spurious conservatives found in
growing public responsiveness to the conservative revolution an easy ride into
office. And we, confiding and hopeful, have helped them to it.
The Welfare State Test
What
we have as a result is a strengthened welfare state, managed by people who
still submit every proposition first of all to the test, Is it acceptable to
liberal opinion, the liberal ground tone? Our conservative revolution is a
dappled mare, with the welfare state in the saddle. How can we change this? We
must begin by setting out a new opposition. Let us restate the principles of
conservatism emphasizing fidelity to the principles, not to a party. We cannot
forget that a Republican Party turned traitor to its principles presents a far
graver threat to our country than a Democrat Party openly carrying out what it
openly espouses. There is always the hope, at least, that patriotism may rescue
us from Democrat error. What possible recovery can there be from treachery?
The
conservative agenda begins with affirmation of the priority of individual
rights. But it can no longer suffice to accept a nod of the head as signifying
meaningful acceptance of this principle, any more than the metaphorical petticoat, “Reagan Republican,” can convince us
that an official is safe and sound. No. Let us rather push every pretender to
the last degree through every policy commitment. Let us demand that they stand
forth when it is not popular. Their speeches will not suffice. Let us demand
the evidence of their deeds in service to the principles.
A Confession
I
have been praised for putting principle above ambition when I withdrew from the
California Senate race in 1986 in order to enhance the chance for a
conservative victory. I have a confession to make: it never occurred to me that
there was any option! What I did was neither courageous nor noble. It was
natural. I am grateful for this episode, for it has made clear to me how far we
have to go to construct a genuinely free future for our nation. That journey
begins with ourselves.
I
must add a final word, to avoid all misunderstanding: California! The
California Senate primary election was not just one of several elections. The
backward results in this election were not just a statistical blip on an otherwise
progressive scale. The California election offered a diagnostic signal, as I
have spelled out above. The conservative revolution received its decisive
impulse from California. So, too, is the repudiation of conservatism in
California politics decisive that is, it will be decisive unless we do
something to change that. We must go to the root of the matter and plant new
seed, lest the weeds in our garden completely supplant the tender blossom of
only twenty years ago.
* The foregoing essay was written in the
Summer of 1986 and submitted to the CRA Newsletter for publication. At
the time it was not published. We lost the election that November, and have yet
to rediscover the formula for unambiguous victory. Now that this essay can see
the light of day, we will perhaps have a chance for recovery. It was ideas such
as those expressed here that inspired the convening of Sharon 111.